Justice for Khadija?

LAST year, a judicial magistrate sentenced law student Shah Husain to prison for seven years for stabbing 21-year-old fellow student Khadija Siddiqui. Stabbed 23 times, she was critically injured in the May 2016 attack. During the trial, both the motorcycle and the knife used were put forth, while the prosecution presented 14 witnesses to what the judge ruled counted as attempted murder “without any shadow of a minor doubt”. It is shocking, therefore, that this week, the Lahore High Court overturned the verdict. Acquitting the assailant, Justice Sardar Ahmed Naeem in a controversial judgement ruled the prosecution had “failed to prove guilt beyond reasonable doubt”. However, many will question whether this judgement provided coherent reasoning for the acquittal. Noting that Khadija stated the assailant had harassed her, it questions why she earlier wrote a letter asking him to marry her. Surely, she had the right to change her mind based on her perceptions. Perhaps the defence should have been asked whether rejecting the assailant had prompted the frenzied attack. The fact that Shah Hussain’s father belongs to the legal fraternity has also caused some to doubt judicial independence.

From the start, Ms Siddiqui has shown strength of character by remaining steadfast in her quest for justice. She now intends to challenge the verdict in the Supreme Court. Many have demanded justice for her on social media, expressing their concern at the verdict, and Chief Justice Saqib Nasir has done well to summon records of her case — although some would ask if justice is not served in Pakistan until it is vociferously demanded, and that too through media attention. Sadly, women’s access to justice in this country is already limited and patriarchal perceptions only ensure that far too often justice is not even-handed.

Journalists’ abductions

A DARK cloud has been descending over the local media landscape for some time now. In the early hours between Tuesday and Wednesday came the thunderclap journalists have long been dreading. Gul Bukhari, a columnist for The Nation, was abducted on her way to the Waqt TV station in Lahore. Asad Kharal, anchorperson at Bol TV, was also picked up in Lahore shortly afterwards and physically assaulted. In a small mercy, both were released after several hours, but there is no denying the chilling effect of such intimidatory tactics. Coming at the start of what is expected to be a highly contentious election season, such wanton disregard for the law to coerce the press is a dire indicator of the health of this country’s democracy. Never mind one’s politics or affiliations — Dawn makes no distinction — an attack on any journalist is an attack on us all. All media groups ought to unite behind a call to end the culture of impunity for such crimes.

In both cases, the assailants are unknown; will they ever be exposed and held to account? History tells us otherwise. Behind the black ink of journalism in Pakistan lies a palimpsest of a tale told in red. There is a reason Pakistan is one of the few countries to have featured every year on the Committee to Protect Journalists’ Global Impunity Index since it began tracking unsolved murders 10 years ago. Of the scores of journalists and media workers murdered over the years, in only three cases have the killers ever been convicted. Nor has there ever been any serious investigation into the disappearances of several online activists in early 2017. The police must take a more resolute and proactive stance on investigating and prosecuting crimes against the press and private citizens. While it is commendable that the chief justice of Pakistan has ordered an immediate report from the IGP Punjab on the Kharal case, it is hoped that the Bukhari case does not escape his august notice.

Conserving the environment

THIS country’s economy is heavily invested in agriculture. Simultaneously, Pakistan is ranked amongst those nations that are at the very cusp of suffering the most adverse effects of climate change, pollution and the stripping of natural resources.

Given this state of affairs, it is remarkable that with an election coming up that shows all signs of being abrasively fought, environmental degradation, ecological conservation and sustainability aren’t receiving much attention from even the major political parties.

There is a whole range of environmental challenges that they must highlight in their manifestos. Urgent issues include deforestation, rampant pollution and a looming water crisis that could result in drought-like conditions.

Already, one can feel the effects: losses in the agriculture sector, hunger and malnutrition, a growing healthcare burden, and the associated pressure on human — and hence national — productivity.

At the time of the last elections, these matters were already a cause for concern and were addressed in dedicated sections of the parties’ 2013 agendas.

Unfortunately, outcomes have been sketchy.

The PML-N promised to insert the “right to food” as a fundamental constitutional right. It could be faulted for not having spelt out how this might be achieved, but that remains a moot point since the insertion was never made.

Similarly, while a federal Ministry of Climate Change was eventually set up, it remains a largely toothless entity involved in saving face in terms of Pakistan’s international environmental commitments.

In Sindh, meanwhile, the PPP’s good intentions of providing “clean drinking water for everyone” can only be summarily dismissed, while sufficient sewage treatment plants remain a dream: indeed, much of Karachi’s waste flows directly into the sea.

The PPP’s 2013 election manifesto promised to “curb the trafficking of endangered species”, but outcomes have been mixed, while the granting of permission to hunt the endangered houbara bustard remains condemnable.

Matters appear somewhat more encouraging in KP, where the PTI made fair progress towards its “billion-tree tsunami”; yet the ideals of zero waste and mass transit systems that would reduce air pollution, for example, have gone unmet.

At a rally at the end of April, PTI chief Imran Khan included the environment in his 11-point agenda and promised to plant 10m trees across the country, if elected.

He also said that the proper cleaning of rivers and canals would be ensured, while an “agricultural emergency” would be imposed to improve the farm sector.

On its part, the PML-N promises food security and improvements in the yields of staple crops to ensure the availability of essential food items for all, at affordable prices, as well as clean drinking water for each citizen — a goal also laid out in its 2013 manifesto, but which was never met although gains were made. The party also refers to the creation of dams and improving water conservancy.

It is essential, therefore, that environmental issues be given more importance by parties contesting the upcoming elections.

By many accounts, these may well be amongst the biggest challenges (outside the political area) facing Pakistan in the coming years.

Amongst the measures desperately needed are commitments in their manifestos to improving ambient air quality especially in urban areas, and slowing down urbanisation.

Similarly, Pakistan’s forest cover stands at a mere 4pc of the total land mass, as against the global standard of 25pc.

But perhaps the first basic point that must be corrected is of policy: power for environmental management was devolved to the provinces under the 18th Amendment; that leaves little scope for the centre to lay down a minimum standard related to environmental factors.

This first step of cohesion on a pressing national concern would be a good show of commitment and could be a point in the 2018 manifestos.

Government Jobs in Pakistan

PPSC Select and recommend suitable candidates through a merit-based, transparent and expeditious process to promote excellence, professionalism and competence in the Punjab Public Service and render advice to Government.

Military on polls

WITH rumour and speculation still swirling across the political landscape, a media briefing on Monday by DG ISPR Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor may have helped dispel doubts regarding any delay in the holding of the general elections.

On behalf of the military leadership, Maj Gen Ghafoor congratulated the recently dissolved National Assembly on completing its term, expressed satisfaction that no electoral schedule — by-elections and the Senate polls — was delayed and reposed confidence in the ECP’s ability to hold the upcoming poll on time.

He also pledged that where appropriate and if requested by the ECP, the military could assist in the holding of elections. These remarks are welcome.

While it is important that the constitutional separation of powers be formally adhered to, the continuing public silence of the military leadership at a time when political gossip and rumour suggest anti-democratic forces are active may have been more damaging.

Now is the time for all state institutions and the political class to single-mindedly focus on the holding of an on-time, free and fair poll.

Yet, the briefing was not without controversy.

Revealing that the military is tracking social media for external interference and alleged domestic mischief-making to undermine the state’s national security priorities, the DG ISPR produced a web of ‘anti-state’ activity online.

To be sure, the security apparatus ought to track activities by external actors or domestic militants who are seeking to undermine the Pakistani state. A long war against terrorism, militancy and extremism is being fought in nearly every part of the country.

The influence of social media in shaping public opinion and the national discourse is undeniable. Only last week, the PTI reversed its decision on the selection of a caretaker chief minister of Punjab, citing social media feedback from the party base.

Perhaps, it would have been more appropriate for the military leadership to have passed on to the government the intelligence it has gathered on propaganda online aimed at undermining national security priorities.

If appropriate action is needed, it should be taken by the relevant, constitutionally empowered government department and not by an institution acting unilaterally.

Worrying too was the public identification of journalists, public figures and private citizens who are claimed to be involved, even unwittingly, in the dissemination of alleged anti-state propaganda.

Across the world, the destabilising effects of social media, online propaganda and so-called fake news are being witnessed. In more open societies and advanced democracies too, there is a growing recognition that unsuspecting publics are susceptible to manipulation by unscrupulous forces, ranging from the anti-democratic to anti-state.

In Pakistan, the problems are magnified because of a difficult regional security environment, an underdeveloped state and socioeconomic, political and religious fault lines. Far better, then, that a multifaceted problem be addressed by an inclusive institution such as parliament.

In August, the country will have a new parliament. The military’s concerns should be conveyed to the next elected government and a cross-institutional approach developed to counter anti-state elements.

At the same time, freedom of speech and association should be protected as one of the highest priorities of the next government.

Economic visions

ALL the three major political parties — the PML-N, PTI and the PPP — included substantial discussions on the economy in their 2013 manifestos.

The PPP preferred to focus on redistributive policies, or what it calls “equitable and inclusive growth”.

Where it did talk about growth, its focus was on small and medium enterprises, jobs, skills and agriculture.

Its focus on manufacturing was in the form of Special Economic Zones, or zones carved out of the national economy where a different set of policies would be applicable to encourage investment.

On trade, it said only that it would “build on creative currency swap agreements”.

The PML-N focused on macroeconomic indicators.

It pledged to cut the budget deficit and inflation, open markets for trade and raise the tax-to-GDP ratio to 15pc by the end of its term.

For industry, the party offered a set of incentives to boost exports and foreign investment, and pledged to broaden the export base beyond textiles to include IT products.

The PTI’s manifesto highlighted stagnant growth rates in 2013, build-up of national debt, depleting foreign exchange reserves and the high fiscal deficit.

It also targeted a 6pc growth rate and pledged to reduce inflation (below 7pc) and raise investment to 21.4pc of GDP from 12pc in 2013.

Tax revenue, the manifesto promised, would rise to 15pc of GDP — the same commitment as the PML-N — while “welfare spending” would quadruple, and the fiscal deficit narrowed to 4.5pc of GDP.

The PML-N and PTI, despite the hostile politics between them, offered substantially similar economic visions in 2013 but different paths to achieving them.

Where the PML-N talked of incentives, the PTI pinned its delivery on tackling corruption, taking action against cartels, hoarders, speculators and power and fuel theft.

In short, where the vision presented by the PML-N aimed to provide incentives to promote growth and exports, the PTI’s goal was to weed out behaviour and practices it felt were holding back the country’s economic potential.

Beyond that, they converged on the same objectives.

Perhaps for this election, the parties can sharpen their focus on three specific, core dysfunctions that afflict Pakistan’s economy.

These are the circular debt, the fiscal deficit and the external sector deficit (or the erosion of the economy’s competitiveness versus other countries).

These dysfunctions lie at the heart of what ails the economy, and nothing can change until they are tackled in a sustainable way.

By now, all parties should have learnt that what was described as the ‘energy crisis’ in 2013 was far more than just a gap between the supply and demand for electricity.

It was also an inability to meet the power sector’s growing costs, its upfront investment costs as well as its running costs.

Moreover, it was also the inability to grow and manage the power sector within the confines of a centralised power bureaucracy.

This is why all the megawatts on earth will not save us from what we call the ‘power crisis’ if deep-rooted reforms are not advanced in tandem.

The twin deficits — fiscal and external — are linked, and they have for decades sent our rulers on a search for big partners who were willing to subsidise our dysfunctions in return for a commitment to help advance their agenda in our own region.

This has worked to our detriment.

Outside of geopolitics, there is the International Monetary Fund.

This tendency of the economy to burn foreign exchange reserves within a few years, thereby forcing an approach to the IMF, has to end, and the only way it can is if we have a vision that targets the root cause — the economy.

For example, consider that all research on the question is now clear that a more open regional trade policy can play a vital role in improving the economy’s capacity to accumulate foreign exchange reserves, yet powerful impediments remain in moving ahead in this direction.

When drawing up their manifestos, the parties should use the opportunity to reflect on how these three problems are interlinked, then make them the centrepiece of their electoral document.

Let each party promise to take the country out of the decades-old cycle of continuous depletion of foreign exchange reserves and reform the power system to make it able to sustain its own costs.

That is an ambition worthy of a five-year effort at the top.

Security for politicians

VIP CULTURE, VIP protocol and VIP security are all matters that ought to be reviewed. No doubt, there is much abuse of state resources by powerful individuals who see matters of protocol and security as issues of prestige and public reputation. Yet, there is a difference between necessary security and unnecessary protocol. In more developed systems of governance, the perks and privileges enjoyed by public officials are carefully vetted, clearly delineated and publicly known. In Pakistan, however, a complicit bureaucracy and a prestige-craving political leadership have often transgressed the limits of good sense and genuine security needs. The Supreme Court led by Chief Justice Saqib Nisar made a decision to wade into the complex issue of security provided by the state to high-profile individuals when it issued an order in April for the withdrawal of all state security provided without due authorisation to individuals across the country. Pursuing the matter and in advancement of what appears to be a drive against VIP culture, the Supreme Court has sought the return of official vehicles in the possession of unauthorised individuals and has declared that politicians should provide for their own security in the upcoming election campaign. The decision could have potentially troubling consequences.

True, the Supreme Court has unearthed massive abuse of expensive, high-maintenance official vehicles, and in the deployment of state security personnel. If that were not the case, dozens of vehicles would not have been recovered so quickly by government departments acting on court orders. It is common practice for public officials and political leaders to continue to use official vehicles and retain security personnel after their spell in office. But a blanket ban on state security protection for politicians ahead of elections is inadvisable. The last two general elections alone are evidence of the significant threat that many political leaders and candidates face. The assassination of Benazir Bhutto in the run-up to the 2008 polls continues to haunt this country’s politics. In 2013, mainstream political parties seen as secular and progressive were viciously attacked, forcing them to curtail their campaigning. In 2018, the security establishment itself has warned of possible violence being used to try and destabilise the country; surely, attacking poll campaigns would be high on the list of actors seeking to unleash mayhem. Rather than a blanket ban nationally, a case-by-case approach by security professionals assisted by the caretaker governments may be considered. Free and fair elections are safe and secure elections.

Human rights promises

THE outgoing assembly has ended its tenure on a high note in terms of human rights legislation. Interestingly, this pertained to an issue that none of the major political parties had even alluded to in their previous manifestos — the rights of transgenders.

In its wide-ranging scope, the recently enacted law belies the silence adopted on the subject by the political parties in their manifestos.

However, this final flourish cannot erase the fact that Pakistan fared poorly in its UN-mandated Universal Periodic Review earlier this year, largely on account of the rising incidence of enforced disappearances, a practice associated with some of the most brutal regimes in history.

Clearly, the political parties have not done enough to improve human rights, whether through fresh legislation or by implementing existing laws.

They have a chance to redeem themselves if they come to power through the elections on July 25. And their 2018 manifestos must provide the blueprint.

Of the three main political parties — the PML-N, PPP and PTI — only the PPP included a cursory mention of enforced disappearances in its previous manifesto.

This time around, in order to assert civilian authority over the functions of the state, political parties must put on record their refusal to countenance the deplorable practice, and spell out measures to bring the perpetrators to justice.

Such repudiation, however, must be accompanied by reforms in the criminal justice system, for what is enforced disappearance but an extreme violation of the right to due process?

The demands of national security should no longer be used as a tacit justification for enforced disappearances.

Instead of abdicating counter-terrorism responsibilities to the security establishment, as the PML-N government did in its last tenure, political parties should vow to establish democratic and parliamentary oversight of the intelligence services.

It is high time that rhetoric about speedy and inexpensive justice — and witness protection programmes — was translated into action.

After all, a law is only as good as its enforcement: the PPP-led Sindh government took three years to draft the rules of business for the witness protection law it passed in September 2013.

Also, a depoliticised, community-oriented police force is the people’s right: the PPP and PML-N should take a leaf out of the PTI’s book in its singular achievement on this score in KP.

No society can claim progress without ensuring women’s equal participation in the political process. Reserved seats — election to which is dependent largely on male politicians — are no substitute for being directly elected, and a 10pc quota for women candidates on general seats must be on every party’s agenda.

Equality in the public sphere is concomitant with equality in the private. However, only the PML-N in Punjab has so far followed anti-domestic violence legislation with practical measures such as women protection centres, etc.

Domestic violence did not even earn a mention in the PTI’s previous manifesto. Hopefully no party will surrender to misogynistic ‘cultural sensitivities’ in 2018.

Another reality, one we have been confronted with far too often, is violence arising from bigotry and prejudice against the minorities.

In this, political parties have cravenly submitted to the bully pulpit of the religious lobby.

The PTI, under pressure from its minority partner in KP, the Jamaat-i-Islami, reintroduced ideologically biased language into textbooks.

The PPP has relegated to the back burner its law against forced conversions in Sindh, and no party has the courage to allude to even procedural change in the blasphemy law, the misuse of which causes disproportionate misery to minorities.

Will any party have the courage and integrity to address this most thorny of issues?

Children are also, for obvious reasons, deserving of special provisions to protect them. As the horrific Kasur child abuse case illustrates, we are doing far too little to protect our young people.

Political parties could even look to other countries for workable child abduction alert systems that could be replicated in Pakistan, aside from enforcing already existing laws.

Violence against child domestic workers too requires urgent redressal and must receive particular attention in the forthcoming election manifestos.

Raising the minimum age for marriage to 18 years in Sindh is a feather in the PPP’s cap, but improvements in the juvenile justice system remain an unmet promise.

As to the differently abled, who perhaps have the least amount of social protections, the PTI’s previous manifesto contained the most wide-ranging provisions to ensure not only their welfare but inclusivity as well, including their representation in the assemblies.

If ambitious, at least the party’s words represent some understanding of the way in which people with disabilities have been marginalised in this society. The other parties must take a cue from the PTI’s approach.

While high-flown rhetoric is often a feature of election manifestos, and can even serve as an acknowledgment of the issues that need addressing, parties should realistically assess what lies within their capabilities.

There is something to be said for them to append targeted, ‘doable’ measures to each subject in their manifestos. Exceeding one’s promises will win voters the next time around; failing to meet them only leads to disenchantment — with the party and the democratic process.

Government Jobs in Pakistan

Education: 23m broken promises

Reforming the education sector will be a colossal challenge for the next governments at the centre and in the provinces, no matter what claims political parties make in their manifestos.

Some 23m children are out of school in Pakistan because governments have neglected education, even though free universal education from ages five to 16 years is a constitutional right.

Access to public schooling remains dependent on family income, geographical location and gender. Most children drop out by the age of nine; and girls from poor communities are least likely to attend school.

On top of this, Pakistan’s gender enrolment gap is the widest in South Asia after Afghanistan. If this election is to change the status quo, voters should elect representatives for their commitment to education.

In 2013, political parties, including the PPP, PTI and PML-N identified education reform as improving learning abilities, reducing teacher absenteeism and eliminating gender disparities in schooling among other issues. But the reforms undertaken have been a drop in the ocean.

While the PML-N government increased enrolment, gave stipends to girls, and pioneered merit-based teacher recruitment in Punjab, it failed to offer education expertise and resources to other provinces.

Although a part of the coalition government in Balochistan, it abandoned educational reforms in a province where 1.89m children remain out of school.

In KP, the PTI’s ambitious education policies showcased a first-time party’s keen intentions. But the trajectory starting out with promises towards implementation remained thorny.

A new government should focus on policy implementation improving learning scores, enrolment and retention in a province where 51pc of girls remain out of school despite budgets higher than the UN recommended 20pc baseline.

Meanwhile, for too long, the PPP-led Sindh government’s atrocious report card has needed attention, especially the concern of ‘ghost’ teachers and the wide gender gap.

In the 2018 manifestos, parties would do well to commit to bringing out-of-school children into the education system, indicating the duration, sustained reforms and budgets required to achieve the goal.

Only realistic goals and incentives are beneficial. Reforms vary countrywide which means policy consensus across party lines will provide opportunities to learn from best practices.

The major goals are to ensure that education spending is 4pc of GDP as stipulated by the UN, to improve resources for those students who gain the least, and to ensure schooling is not discontinued at any stage.

Replicating some successful public-private partnership school models seen in Punjab and Sindh can also be an election goal, as could regular reviews of district performances and ensuring accountability.

Nelson Mandela noted: “Education is the most powerful weapon that you can use to change the world.” Only parties with a vision can understand the truth of his words and work towards implementing their promises.

Foreign policy challenges

A coherent, well-formulated and popularly supported foreign policy is essential, especially in an age of globalisation when new and daunting challenges have emerged. Foreign policy cannot be seen in isolation, for it is only a reflection of a country’s domestic policy.

The two are linked inextricably, as foreign policy cannot be effective and credible unless backed by a domestic policy that promotes harmony and good governance at home.

The preceding sentences are drawn from the PML-N’s electoral manifesto in 2013. They make for sensible reading. But ‘National Security and Foreign Policy’ was only the 12th section in the PML-N manifesto of 14 parts.

And while the measures and initiatives the PML-N pledged to undertake were mostly non-controversial, attempting to assert itself in the national security and foreign policy domains proved disastrous for the PML-N government, and may have contributed to Nawaz Sharif’s ouster.

In hindsight, the collision between the military-led establishment and the Sharif-led PML-N government may have been foretold in the party’s election manifesto. “Pakistan today is at war within, while isolated abroad,” the 2013 manifesto stated. “Consequently, a deep malaise afflicts the country; its social, economic and political schisms creating grave doubts and misgivings even in the minds of our friends.”

In 2018, the challenges in the national security and foreign policy domains remain numerous and complex. But there are significant opportunities too. Whichever party or coalition takes charge of the federal government after the elections, the conduct of foreign policy will be fundamental to its success.

The internal dimension i.e. managing civil-military relations will perhaps be as important as the external dimension. Ultimately, much will depend on how Pakistan manages its ties with four countries: China, the US, Afghanistan and India.

China is central to Pakistan’s medium-term economic future. As a maturing world power, its importance in regional security will grow.

With CPEC an original pillar of the Belt and Road Initiative, many of the early CPEC-related projects set to mature during the next parliament’s term and Pakistan almost certainly needing external financial aid, the economic dimension of the relationship will need further attention.

In particular, the growing criticism that the PML-N government was unnecessarily secretive and opaque in agreements reached with China and that the commercial terms of many agreements may not be favourable to Pakistan need to be addressed.

Surely, given both states’ commitment to strong bilateral ties, an economic rebalancing can be achieved in a constructive manner.

In addition, Pakistan should heed the well-meaning Chinese advice that the regional security environment be improved.

The Chinese examples of developing robust trade ties with India and not allowing the Doklam stand-off to derail ties are instructive.

The growing economic and military strength of South and West Asia and of regional countries should be seen as an opportunity for engagement for Pakistan just as China has done.

The deepening of Pakistan’s ties with China contrasts poorly with the worsening of ties with the US. President Donald Trump has proved as disruptive as candidate Trump had promised, and in the case of Pakistan, there has been a downturn in ties.

America’s so-called South Asia strategy announced in 2017 and Mr Trump’s New Year Day tweet combined with the state here bristling at the tone and substance of some of the American accusations against it have caused ties to further deteriorate.

If there is to be improvement, it will almost certainly centre on Afghanistan. There Pakistan continues to have a historic opportunity to help put an end to what next year will be 40 years of near-continuous war.

The next government’s focus should be to work with the military leadership to help achieve a political settlement in Kabul with the Afghan Taliban. Lasting stability in Afghanistan is the stated desired outcome for all actors and it is within the realm of possibility.

Finally, India.

Recent overtures by our military leadership should be taken seriously and the civilian government that takes charge after the election should move quickly to try and restore dialogue with India.

It is not clear if Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will easily accept a fresh Pakistani outreach to his government, but the logic of engagement and dialogue must eventually prevail.

All this will hopefully be reflected in the new manifestos. May the next government achieve more than its predecessors on the foreign policy front.

Sexual harassment

FOR victims of sexual harassment, it is the fear of being disbelieved that stops many from reporting abuse. Recently however, energised by the global #MeToo movement, women are courageously taking to social media to expose the sheer scale of harassment in this country. About a week ago, more than 18 young students from Bahria College in Islamabad anonymously detailed on social media their experiences of harassment and abuse. The alleged perpetrator, a federal board-appointed examiner overseeing the college’s biology exams, stands accused of physically molesting these young girls as their Facebook and Twitter testimonies revealed. On Saturday, another young woman posted on Twitter about an incident from 2016 when, according to her, the same examiner inappropriately touched her. Many of the girls who sat these exams over three days alleged they were groped, subjected to sexual innuendoes and threatened into silence by the examiner who was also accused of harassment at another school in 2014. More shockingly female teachers present in the laboratory warned students to remain silent or their grades would be impacted. Surely, the university must be held to account for its failure to report such behaviour immediately, given that it is responsible for the safety of students.

Unfortunately, sexual harassment in our schools and universities is not uncommon and many students have complained about offensive advances by teachers and professors. Probes should be conducted into such allegations, and those found guilty punished by the education authorities so that others in positions of power in the academia are deterred. All academic institutes need unbiased inquiry committees to probe complaints so that victims are not discouraged from speaking out. Another alternative is to approach a provincial or the federal ombudsperson for protection against workplace harassment as they are legally mandated to investigate complaints of abuse and misconduct. After having to duck and dodge their way around men’s bad behaviour for years, it is clear Pakistani women will no longer be silenced.

Rao Anwar’s trial

THE notorious ‘encounter specialist’ is clearly not losing any sleep over the fact that he is on trial for murder. Former SSP Malir Rao Anwar’s conduct during the anti-terrorism court hearings into the extra-judicial murder of Naqeebullah Mehsud in Karachi early this year, speaks volumes about the dysfunctionality corroding the institutions of the state. Far from betraying any concern about the possible outcome of his trial, the one-time senior police official’s apparent disregard for the court proceedings suggests that he is confident there will be no consequences. Nor has his star waned among members of his fraternity, many of whom salute him when he arrives for the hearings. Quite possibly, they too believe that this is but a temporary setback for one of the most ‘well-connected’ cops who, according to the police’s own records, has allegedly ordered nearly 450 encounters.

Even for Pakistan, where certain individuals on the basis of their wealth and status, expect and receive preferential treatment, this is a particularly wretched example. Consider how, when he absconded in the aftermath of allegations that he was involved in Naqeebullah’s murder, it took the former SSP two months to comply with the Supreme Court’s repeated orders to surrender before the bench, a sad commentary on the state of Sindh’s law-enforcement apparatus. Also, apparently no authority — military or civilian — was able to unearth him during this time, even though many of his alleged accomplices were nabbed. And unlike these fellow co-accused who are behind bars, the disgraced cop continues to enjoy the comforts of his home, which has — conveniently and controversially — been declared a sub-jail on flimsy pretexts. Meanwhile, the trial proceedings are devolving into familiar delaying tactics, including the frequent absence of the investigation officer, reported threats against the prosecutor compelling him to stay away, etc. It is for the court to assert its authority and demonstrate unequivocally that the likes of Rao Anwar are not above the law. Certainly, the former SSP, like every other citizen of Pakistan, is entitled to due process — even if, assuming the allegations against him are correct, he has denied that right to many people — but if the evidence is compelling, Rao Anwar must be brought to justice. Too often as we know, powerful individuals in this country evade justice, even when they have committed crimes as serious as abrogating the Constitution. That impunity must end now.

SC’s welcome move

A JOLT to the electoral system and general election schedule has prompted a necessary and sensible reaction by the ECP, and the Supreme Court has in turn acted commendably to suspend the verdict of a single judge of the Lahore High Court that had threatened to derail at least the nomination phase of the poll schedule.

As has become apparent since the Lahore High Court judgement suddenly rocked the political landscape, there are plausible arguments for the nomination forms as amended by parliament passing legal and constitutional muster.

While there can be legitimate disagreements in constitutional and legal interpretations by various members of the superior judiciary, and the judiciary must never shirk from fulfilling its constitutional duties, what is troubling about the high court’s intervention is that it disregarded the national disruption it would cause.

Surely, in an era of intense judicial activism, at least the possibility of forming a larger bench should have been considered for a step as drastic as directing the ECP to revise nomination forms that parliament had approved.

Or perhaps some other mechanism, such as inviting further opinion of legal experts or examining the practical effects of ordering a change to the forms on the eve of the opening of the short nomination phase, should have been considered.

With the approach of a historic general election, all state institutions and the political class too must be mindful of the need to promote the democratic project and showcase it as the only legitimate, constitutional form of government this country can have.

The insistent speculation that anti-democratic forces may seek to delay or cancel the general election is a political reality in the country. But the leaderships of all state institutions have publicly committed to ensuring an on-time election and the actions of those institutions should reflect those commitment.

Chief Justice Saqib Nisar has done the right thing in suspending the order and it is hoped that the Supreme Court’s final decision will reflect the iron-clad commitment to democracy that he has pledged the superior judiciary will uphold.

If democracy is to prevail and elections are to be held on time, the political class must also reconsider its approach. The PTI’s endorsement of the Lahore High Court order is an example of poor politics and rank opportunism.

The PTI distanced itself from the electoral reforms package legislated by parliament after the PML-N inserted a clause allowing Nawaz Sharif to be elected president of the party, but since the electoral reforms were approved, the PTI made no known public attempt to address the issue of changed nomination forms. Good faith and more principled politics are needed if democracy is to prevail.

Government Jobs in Pakistan

Continental Medical College, Lahore is result of vision of Late Prof. Hayat Zafar, a Great Medical Educationist in Pakistan who wished to see a Medical Institution where best faculty and modern infrastructure were brought together for an exemplary stature in honing Medical Education. Continental Medical Education opened its doors to first batch of Medical Students in 2007.Ch. Rehmat Ali Memorial Trust Hospital serves as its teaching hospital and the campus is located at Quaid-e-Azam Town (Township), Lahore. The Medical College is recognized by Pakistan Medical & Dental Council and affiliated with University of Health Sciences, Lahore.

Literary Periods of British Literature

For ease of study, literary scholars divide British into segments referred to as "periods." While the exact number, dates, and names of these periods vary, the following lists conform to widespread acceptance. Following the tables, in chronological order, is a brief description of each period and major writers within it.

Periods of British Literature

450-1066 : Old English (or Anglo-Saxon) Period

1066-1500 : Middle English Period

1500-1660 : The Renaissance

1558-1603 : Elizabethan Age

1603-1625 : Jacobean Age

1625-1649 : Caroline Age

1649-1660 : Commonwealth Period (or Puritan Interregnum)

1660-1785 : The Neoclassical Period

1660-1700 : The Restoration

1700-1745 : The Augustan Age (or Age of Pope)

1745-1785 : The Age of Sensibility (or Age of Johnson)

1785-1830 : The Romantic Period

1832-1901 : The Victorian Period

1848-1860 : The Pre-Raphaelites

1880-1901 : Aestheticism and Decadence

1901-1914 : The Edwardian Period

1910-1936 : The Georgian Period

1914-1945 : The Modern Period

1945-present : Postmodern Period

The Old English Period or the Anglo-Saxon Period refers to the literature produced from the invasion of Celtic England by Germanic tribes in the first half of the fifth century to the conquest of England in 1066 by William the Conqueror.

During the Old English Period, written literature began to develop from oral tradition, and in the eighth century poetry written in the vernacular Anglo - Saxon (also known as Old English) appeared. One of the most well-known eighth century Old English pieces of literature is Beowulf, a great Germanic epic poem. Two poets of the Old English Period who wrote on biblical and religious themes were Caedmon and Cynewulf.

The Middle English Period consists of the literature produced in the four and a half centuries between the Norman Conquest of 1066 and about 1500, when the standard literary language, derived from the dialect of the London area, became recognizable as "modern English." Prior to the second half of the fourteenth century, vernacular literature consisted primarily of religious writings. The second half of the fourteenth century produced the first great age of secular literature. The most widely known of these writings are Geoffrey Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales, the anonymous Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, and Thomas Malory's Morte d'Arthur. While the English Renaissance began with the ascent of the House of Tudor to the English throne in 1485, the English Literary Renaissance began with English humanists such as Sir Thomas More and Sir Thomas Wyatt.

In addition, the English Literary Renaissance consists of four subsets: The Elizabethan Age, the Jacobean Age, the Caroline Age, and the Commonwealth Period (which is also known as the Puritan Interregnum).

The Elizabethan Age of English Literature coincides with the reign of Elizabeth I, 1558 - 1603. During this time, medieval tradition was blended with Renaissance optimism. Lyric poetry, prose, and drama were the major styles of literature that flowered during the Elizabethan Age. Some important writers of the Elizabethan Age include William Shakespeare, Christopher Marlowe, Edmund Spenser, Sir Walter Raleigh, and Ben Jonson.

The Jacobean Age of English Literature coincides with the reign of James I, 1603 - 1625. During this time the literature became sophisticated, sombre, and conscious of social abuse and rivalry. The Jacobean Age produced rich prose and drama as well as the King James translation of the Bible. Shakespeare and Jonson wrote during the Jacobean Age, as well as John Donne, Francis Bacon, and Thomas Middleton. 

The Caroline Age of English Literature coincides with the reign of Charles I, 1625 - 1649. The writers of this age wrote with refinement and elegance. This era produced a circle of poets known as the "Cavalier Poets" and the dramatists of this age were the last to write in the Elizabethan tradition. The Commonwealth Period, also known as the Puritan Interregnum, of English Literature includes the literature produced during the time of Puritan leader Oliver Cromwell. This period produced the political writings of John Milton, Thomas Hobbes' political treatise Leviathan, and the prose of Andrew Marvell. In September of 1642, the Puritans closed theatres on moral and religious grounds. For the next eighteen years the theatres remained closed, accounting for the lack of drama produced during this time period.

The Neoclassical Period of English literature (1660 - 1785) was much influenced by contemporary French literature, which was in the midst of its greatest age. The literature of this time is known for its use of philosophy, reason, skepticism, wit, and refinement. The Neoclassical Period also marks the first great age of English literary criticism.

Much like the English Literary Renaissance, the Neoclassical Period can be divided into three subsets: the Restoration, the Augustan Age, and the Age of Sensibility. The Restoration, 1660 - 1700, is marked by the restoration of the monarchy and the triumph of reason and tolerance over religious and political passion. The Restoration produced an abundance of prose and poetry and the distinctive comedy of manners known as Restoration comedy. It was during the Restoration that John Milton published Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained. Other major writers of the era include John Dryden, John Wilmot 2nd Earl of Rochester, and John Locke.

The English Augustan Age derives its name from the brilliant literary period of Vergil and Ovid under the Roman emperor Augustus (27 B.C. - A.D. 14). In English literature, the Augustan Age, 1700 - 1745, refers to literature with the predominant characteristics of refinement, clarity, elegance, and balance of judgment. Well-known writers of the Augustan Age include Jonathan Swift, Alexander Pope, and Daniel Defoe. A significant contribution of this time period included the release of the first English novels by Defoe, and the "novel of character," Pamela, by Samuel Richardson in 1740. During the Age of Sensibility, literature reflected the worldview of Enlightenment and began to emphasize instinct and feeling, rather than judgment and restraint. A growing sympathy for the Middle Ages during the Age of Sensibility sparked an interest in medieval ballads and folk literature. Another name for this period is the Age of Johnson because the dominant authors of this period were Samuel Johnson and his literary and intellectual circle. This period also produced some of the greatest early novels of the English language, including Richardson's Clarissa (1748) and Henry Fielding's Tom Jones (1749).

The Romantic Period of English literature began in the late 18th century and lasted until approximately 1832. In general, Romantic literature can be characterized by its personal nature, its strong use of feeling, its abundant use of symbolism, and its exploration of nature and the supernatural. In addition, the writings of the Romantics were considered innovative based on their belief that literature should be spontaneous, imaginative, personal, and free. The Romantic Period produced a wealth of authors including Samuel Taylor Coleridge, William Wordsworth, Jane Austen, and Lord Byron.

It was during the Romantic Period that Gothic literature was born. Traits of Gothic literature are dark and gloomy settings and characters and situations that are fantastic, grotesque, wild, savage, mysterious, and often melodramatic. Two of the most famous Gothic novelists are Anne Radcliffe and Mary Shelley.

The Victorian Period of English literature began with the accession of Queen Victoria to the throne in 1837, and lasted until her death in 1901. Because the Victorian Period of English literature spans over six decades, the year 1870 is often used to divide the era into "early Victorian" and "late Victorian." In general, Victorian literature deals with the issues and problems of the day. Some contemporary issues that the Victorians dealt with include the social, economic, religious, and intellectual issues and problems surrounding the Industrial Revolution, growing class tensions, the early feminist movement, pressures toward political and social reform, and the impact of Charles Darwin's theory of evolution on philosophy and religion. Some of the most recognized authors of the Victorian era include Alfred Lord Tennyson, Elizabeth Barrett Browning, her husband Robert, Matthew Arnold, Charles Dickens, Charlotte Brontë, George Eliot, and Thomas Hardy. Within the Victorian Period, two other literary movements, that of The Pre-Raphaelites (1848-1860) and the movement of Aestheticism and Decadence (1880-1900), gained prominence. In 1848, a group of English artists, including Dante Gabriel Rossetti, formed the "Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood." It was the aim of this group to return painting to a style of truthfulness, simplicity, and religious devotion that had reigned prior to Raphael and the high Italian Renaissance. Rossetti and his literary circle, which included his sister Christina, incorporated these ideals into their literature, and the result was that of the literary Pre-Raphaelites. 

The Aestheticism and Decadence movement of English literature grew out of the French movement of the same name. The authors of this movement encouraged experimentation and held the view that art is totally opposed "natural" norms of morality. This style of literature opposed the dominance of scientific thinking and defied the hostility of society to any art that was not useful or did not teach moral values. It was from the movement of Aestheticism and Decadence that the phrase art for art's sake emerged. A well-known author of the English Aestheticism and Decadence movement is Oscar Wilde.

The Edwardian Period is named for King Edward VII and spans the time from Queen Victoria's death (1901) to the beginning of World War I (1914). During this time, the British Empire was at its height and the wealthy lived lives of materialistic luxury. However, four fifths of the English population lived in squalor. The writings of the Edwardian Period reflect and comment on these social conditions. For example, writers such as George Bernard Shaw and H.G. Wells attacked social injustice and the selfishness of the upper classes. Other writers of the time include William Butler Yeats, Joseph Conrad, Rudyard Kipling, Henry James, and E.M. Forster. The Georgian Period refers to the period of British Literature that is named for the reign of George V (1910-36). Many writers of the Edwardian Period continued to write during the Georgian Period. This era also produced a group of poets known as the Georgian poets. These writers, now regarded as minor poets, were published in four anthologies entitled Georgian Poetry, published by Edward Marsh between 1912 and 1922. Georgian poetry tends to focus on rural subject matter and is traditional in technique and form.

The Modern Period applies to British literature written since the beginning of World War I in 1914. The authors of the Modern Period have experimented with subject matter, form, and style and have produced achievements in all literary genres. Poets of the period include Yeats, T.S. Eliot, Dylan Thomas, and Seamus Heaney. Novelists include James Joyce, D.H. Lawrence, and Virginia Woolf. Dramatists include Noel Coward and Samuel Beckett.

Following World War II (1939-1945), the Postmodern Period of British Literature developed. Postmodernism blends literary genres and styles and attempts to break free of modernist forms. While the British literary scene at the turn of the new millennium is crowded and varied, the authors still fall into the categories of modernism and postmodernism. However, with the passage of time the Modern era may be reorganized and expanded. 

Barbaric killing in IHK

THE photographs of the incident are chilling and surreal.

The fact that Indian forces can so brutally crush a man to death reflects a total disregard for human life.

The incident being referred to happened in Srinagar on Friday: during anti-India protests in the held region, an Indian military jeep drove into a crowd, running over a protester.

Kaiser Bhat later died from his injuries and the barbaric act has elicited fresh protests in the region, with police firing into crowds of mourners.

The incident is a reminder of a similar episode last year when Indian forces tied a man to a jeep and paraded him across the countryside.

While Indian forces say they were ‘defending’ themselves from protesters in the latest incident, there can be no justification for the horrible way in which the man was crushed.

Though it is highly unlikely those responsible for this brutal act will be brought to justice, the administration of India-held Kashmir, as well as the Indian military authorities, must launch a thorough probe and punish those responsible for this atrocity.

Unfortunately, New Delhi has adopted a colonial-era attitude towards Kashmir under Narendra Modi’s watch; the Sangh Parivar that now controls India’s ideological and political narrative apparently seeks to crush the Kashmiri population and subjugate it by force.

However, as the experience of the last three decades has shown, such tactics have failed to dampen the aspirations of the Kashmiri population who have been fighting for their rights.

If the Indian government seeks to quell militancy in IHK and convince the people to participate in the political process, crushing them and humiliating them will not achieve this goal.

If anything, the use of brute force will only further alienate the Kashmiris.

A course correction is necessary, but it is highly unlikely that those who call the shots in Delhi will pay heed to sane advice.

The world needs to let India know that such acts of state-backed violence are not acceptable in a country that claims to adhere to democratic values.

Women’s labour

A RECENT report by the IMF includes a calculation which suggests that Pakistan’s GDP could be increased by up to 30pc with more empowerment of women in the labour force. The number itself can be debated; it was originally computed in a paper published in 2016 in the Journal of Human Capital. What is beyond doubt, however, is the fact that increasing women’s empowerment in the labour force carries tangible benefits for the economy, ultimately measured in rising GDP. From a practical perspective alone, this is a powerful reason to make economic policy more sensitive to gender issues. Female participation in the labour force in Pakistan is abysmally low. The percentage in the age group above 20 years does not go beyond 30pc. Most of the women are located in the rural areas. For urban areas, the participation rates are even more dismal. For all age groups, the female participation rate in the labour force is 7.7pc in urban Pakistan, one of the lowest in the world. If GDP growth can be boosted by low cost and highly targeted interventions that help empower women, then economic policy should take such interventions as a serious area of focus.

Towards this end, the report does present some suggestions. Pakistan has made some headway by linking conditional cash transfers to female school enrolment through the Benazir Income Support Programme, the authors of the report note. But much headway can be made by increasing financial inclusion, not necessarily by tying it to women’s work, because exclusion from formal finance is particularly acute for women. Increasing the pathways from which this access can be enhanced will have automatic knock-on effects for women’s empowerment, they argue. The idea is not to pursue sheer quantum increases in the participation ratios, because that can be achieved through child labour as well. The idea is to increase high quality participation ratio for age brackets above 20 years, through superior access to education, financial services, as well as health facilities and polices designed to proactively accommodate women in the workforce. A simple walk around any Pakistani city clearly shows the sheer gender disparity, with men predominantly visible on the streets and offices. This needs to change, not only for the benefit of women, but also for that of the country’s economy as whole.

Fears of poll delay

THERE is no obvious constitutional path to delaying the general election.

The National Assembly and the provincial assemblies have been dissolved; the caretaker prime minister, retired chief justice of the Supreme Court Nasirul Mulk, has been sworn in; and while there is continuing uncertainty about who will head the new administrations in three provinces, the Constitution has a clearly defined procedure for selecting caretaker chief ministers within days of the dissolution of the assemblies.

Yet, there is persistent speculation that attempts will be made to derail the election schedule and delay, for an unspecified duration, the general election.

In a political landscape that is often flooded with conspiracy theories and speculation, it can be difficult to separate fact from fiction and mischief.

Are there efforts afoot by anti-democratic forces in the country to delay the election? Adding to the confusion is that in addition to the role of anti-democratic forces in the political process, mismanagement and opaque decision-making by the political class can invite outside intervention.

Legal experts can debate the merits of two judgements handed down by the superior judiciary on Friday: a Lahore High Court judgement declaring that the nomination forms — approved by parliament and to have been used by the ECP — have left out information important to voters; and a Balochistan High Court verdict nullifying the new delimitation of eight provincial assembly constituencies in Quetta.

The delay in holding a census and then, by necessity, the hurried efforts to draw up fresh constituency limits if the general election was to be held on time could have caused mistakes to happen.

In the case of the nomination forms, a potential controversy that was apparent since parliament approved a raft of changes in the electoral laws has materialised with the Lahore High Court judgement.

The ECP and the caretaker federal government have announced they will appeal against both judgements, and legal experts in the days ahead may be able to suggest ways to balance the requirements of electoral fairness and transparency with the need to adhere to constitutional election timelines.

Certainly, it is welcome that the prime minister, the chief justice of Pakistan and all major parties have vowed to support an on-time election and a historic transfer of power, and their support is necessary and instrumental to democratic continuity.

But consider that some of the main political protagonists have themselves contributed to the prevailing political uncertainty.

For example, the emphatic declaration by the PPP that it will under no circumstances accept any kind of electoral skulduggery is in contrast to the party leadership’s role only months ago in helping elect a complete political outsider to one of the highest offices in the land ie chairman of the Senate.

A democratic heist that will surely live in political infamy, the election of the chairman was a low point for the PPP.

Not without reason, then, is doubt persisting about an on-time election.

Government Jobs in Pakistan

The institution aims at imparting quality education to its students, on most modern and scientific lines, in an environment of mutual respect and dignity in order to groom them into good human beings, competent enough to handle challenges of future life, with confidence. No education system can flourish in the vacuum. It must have its roots in its soil. We are quite conscious of the importance of our religion, ideology, conventions, traditions, moral values and cultural heritage. The institution would function within our social compulsions and religious teachings with a desire to groom new generation into good Muslims and patriotic citizens of Pakistan.